IRAN AFTER THE REVOLUSION - WHAT THEN?

IRAN

AFTER THE REVOLUSION -

WHAT THEN?

Stes de Necker

Iran has been ruled by an oppressive theocratic regime for almost four decades. Since its inception in 1979, the dictatorial mullah regime has become known as a revolutionary regime dedicated to the export of its fundamentalist Islamic ideology, which it brutally and forcefully impose on its own citizens.

Since 1979, millions of Iranians have fallen victim to the relentless prosecution, incarceration, torture and execution of those who dared to criticise the state or to speak out against the ungodly and brutal persecution of the citizens of Iran.

Only by their ruthless intimidation and brutality, and under the guise of their fundamentalist theology, did the regime manage to maintain its political power and the oppression of its political opponents.  

Under a delusional reliance on nationalist sentiment and Middle Eastern regional support, the regime unrelentingly enforced its oppressive policies on the people of Iran for almost forty years.

During this period, not a single sector of civil society escaped their pursuit of nationalisation and political domination.

Corruption and mismanagement by the incompetent mullah government have inevitably led to the economic, social, and infrastructural destruction of Iran.

Throughout 2018 numerous demonstrations and strikes by Iranian workers occurred in almost every city and region in Iran.

The people of Iran had enough and it was only a matter of reaching critical mass for the resistance to spill over in a national revolt.

Iran had a revolution before, and it is busy happening again.

Iranians have changed their ruling regimes on their own terms over the last two centuries and they will do it again in 2019.

The sustained battle against oppression and persecution has enriched and empowered the Iranian people to overcome their internal problems without foreign interventions in Iran’s political affairs.

No longer supported by national sentiment and regional approval, the clerical regime now faces the dire consequences of its incompetent governance of Iran. In the face of international isolation, economic collapse and financial bankruptcy, the clerical regime has come to the end of their reign of terror.

Knowing that their time is up mullahs are currently only trying to postpone the evil day by doing the only thing they know how to do; intimidating, persecuting and torturing their own people.        

Many politicians and government officials are frantically resigning their positions and bailing out of government. After almost four decades of working under the protection of the mullah regime and realizing that the regime can no longer offer them any future security and protection against the anger of the rest of the population, are deserting the clerical regime in a last ditch attempt to cover their own hides.

A few months ago, Javadi Amoli, an influential Shiite cleric in Iran, said: “We should know that considering these difficulties, if the people rise, they will throw us all into the sea. Therefore, you should be vigilant. Many have already escaped the country or have prepared a place to escape but we don’t have a place to escape.”

For the people of Iran, the imminent regime collapse could however have far reaching and catastrophic consequences.

Iran’s economy is dominated by companies that are owned, openly or otherwise, by the radical Revolutionary Guard Corps, the Iran government, government officials and political leaders. 

Most banks are owned directly by the state.

The judicial system is dominated by clerics.

And the educational system has been twisted by decades of radical religious ideology.

The largest steel mills are owned by the state-owned National Iranian Steel Group.

The Haft Tapeh Sugar Cane Company is state owned.

Most municipal authorities are still under the control of the clerical regime

While the United States and many other Western governments are having lively debates about the merits of sanctions, the isolation of Iran and the demise of the clerical regime, nobody seems to do much thinking about the future reconstruction and development of Iran and its people.

If the people of Iran want a free and democratic Iran to succeed, an Iran with a different vision of its role and place in the international community, they should start thinking about it, planning for it, preparing for it.

Similarly, if the West’s interest in a free and democratic Iran reaches only the promotion of failure in a post-oppressed Iran, the West will be held responsible for the suffering and chaos that will ensue the failing the people of Iran.